Dec2013
A 
study published
 by the Thomson Reuters Foundation on November 12 lists Egypt as the 
worst country in the Arab world in which to be a woman. While some may 
expect the report to generate shock waves, many of us in Egypt are all 
too familiar with this reality, which includes high rates of female 
genital mutilation – an illegal but still widely-performed practice – 
general lack of access to adequate healthcare and education for many 
girls, especially in rural or impoverished areas, child marriage, and 
the predominance of sexual harassment and violence against women.
For activists and women’s rights organizations in Egypt, these are some of the most critical issues consuming their work.
The Thomson Reuters Foundation Study: An Accurate Reflection of Women’s Rights in Egypt?
While the absolute standard of living and human rights for women in 
Egypt are certainly not worse than in places such as Iraq or Yemen, in 
recent years the circumstances facing women in Egypt have notably and 
rapidly deteriorated. This will have terrifying implications for the 
country’s future, unless something is done to stop it now.
As critics of the study have remarked, any survey of women’s rights 
in a region long defined in relation to, and according to the terms of, 
the Global North, is inevitably fraught with complications.
In 
a recent article about the report,
 H.A. Hellyer claims that “all too often, Western observers, as well as 
Westernized elites in the Arab world, make claims and arguments that are
 based on assertions and assumptions that talk about Arab women, as 
opposed to letting them speak for themselves.”
This is not merely problematic as an analytical approach, but also 
potentially misleading for advocacy and intervention efforts guided by 
these assertions.
Unless these initiatives are led by and based on the needs of women 
in the region, as identified by the women themselves, well-meaning 
people determined to contribute to their empowerment may expend a lot of
 energy without attaining real results. At worst, they may engage in 
misguided efforts that could potentially direct energy, focus, and 
resources away from where they are actually needed.
The Rise of the Anti-Sexual Harassment Movement
As change continues to sweep through the region, an increasing number
 of organizations have recognized the need for multi-stakeholder 
collaboration in order to effect genuine progress.
The 2011 Egyptian revolution marked a turning point in the breakdown 
of traditional power structures, at least to the extent that people from
 all sectors of society felt emboldened to take to the streets and make 
their voices heard.
That energy and realization of collective power has transformed into a
 cultural paradigm that has taken root deep in the country’s 
consciousness.
In the last three years, people have publicly mobilized to advocate 
for their rights at demonstrations and sit-ins in now-iconic environs 
including Tahrir Square, Itahidayya Palace, and Rabaa Adawaya Square, as
 well as through million-man marches and countless protests outside 
various government buildings.
The surge in anti-sexual harassment movements, which began in late 
2012 and early 2013, was a response to the increase in the worrying 
phenomenon of mass sexual assaults during protests in Tahrir Square.
Evidence suggests these assaults and rapes were part of a planned 
process instigated by counter-revolutionary forces to undermine and 
discredit the revolution. Nevertheless, the frequent occurrence of 
sexual harassment in Egyptian society cannot be discounted as a factor 
contributing to the vicious nature and regularity of these crimes.
Tahrir Bodyguard was founded in November 2012 to take action against the threat of sexual assault during protests.
Tahrir Bodyguard grew exponentially as a result of the burgeoning 
threat of sexual assault and the hard work of a small group of committed
 volunteers – including those who risked their own safety and wellbeing 
to intervene and remove women being harassed or assaulted during 
protests. These interventions were vital during periods of weekly, 
large-scale protests in Tahrir, which were invariably accompanied by 
horrific attacks against women and girls.
There are no words, other than “hero,” to adequately describe the 
brave women and men who risked their lives to intervene in these 
assaults.
In terms of both strategic planning and on-the-ground interventions, 
Tahrir Bodyguard has regularly worked with other like-minded groups, 
such as 
Operation Anti Sexual Harassment (OpAntiSH), 
HarassMap, 
Shoft Ta7arosh (I Saw Harassment) and Nazra for Feminist Studies. All these organizations have done important work and in several cases, without exaggeration, have saved lives.
It is clear, though, that problems of gender inequality and violence 
against women, in all forms, run far deeper than even the ugliest 
incidents of mass sexual assault.
Widespread sexual harassment, lack of access to education and health 
care, and high rates of FGM, child marriage, and infant mortality are 
all the result of myriad social, cultural, economic, and political 
factors that must be addressed if there is to be meaningful change.
Deep-rooted discrimination has led to a lack of equal opportunities 
throughout Egyptian society, examples of which are manifold, with 
cumulative effects that are devastating for the country.
Creating equal opportunities for women is not merely a moral issue, 
but rather has an enormous practical impact on the growth and 
development of the country in both social and economic terms.
Prioritizing the education of boys over girls has, for example, 
contributed to many women experiencing unhealthy pregnancies, high rates
 of child mortality, as well as rapid growth in Egypt’s already 
unsustainable population. Educated women are more likely to have fewer, 
healthier children by spacing out their pregnancies and getting adequate
 rest and nutrition. They are also better able to make well-informed 
choices about their bodies, reducing the risk of sexual and other health
 problems; to decide to work if they wish, giving them the opportunity 
to contribute economically; and to help reduce the instances of sexual 
violence by instilling in their sons a fundamental respect for women and
 teaching their daughters about women’s rights.
Dignity Without Borders
Our new initiative, 
Dignity Without Borders
 (DWB), was established three months ago as a separate and fully 
independent group with the aim of extending the work done through Tahrir
 Bodyguard. Dignity Without Borders was co-founded by Egyptian and 
non-Egyptian women, including myself, as well as Egyptian men.
Our founding team reflects the group’s conviction that Egyptian women
 are active agents and leaders in the fight to secure their rights and 
that support and collaboration between gender equality defenders of all 
genders and nationalities is a crucial part of this process.
Dignity Without Borders is focused on tackling the root causes of 
harassment and assault: a lack of education and awareness about the 
extent of gender inequality in Egypt and its far-reaching effects; the 
lack of empathy felt toward women by many men, and belief that girls or 
women are not worthy of the same rights, opportunities, and privileges 
as boys or men; the pervasive virgin/whore binary, in which women are 
either regarded as modest, chaste vessels of family honor, or creatures 
with loose, easy morals to be objectified for men’s pleasure.
We absolutely reject the idea, whether overtly presented or implied 
through convention, tradition, commonly-held attitudes, or popular 
culture, that women exist only in relation to men, and that a woman’s 
value lies in her appearance, sexuality, or so-called “purity.”
We defend women’s right to be valued equally to men in all spheres. 
We push for their access to comprehensive, high quality education and 
healthcare. We insist on their capacity to make their own life choices 
with regard to their careers, prospective marriages, bodies, clothing, 
and social activities. We challenge any belief that women are not 
autonomous human beings who have value in and of themselves and whose 
choices should be respected.
We stand for full gender equality and against all forms of discrimination.
As reflected in the 
Dignity Without Borders mission statement,
 we have adopted a participatory approach and collaborate with 
organizations and individuals who share our aims, to ensure that women 
have all possible resources and opportunities at their disposal to be 
aware of, access, and raise further awareness about their own rights.
Full Participation through Collaboration
Despite Egypt’s unquestionably patriarchal society, Egyptian women – 
long accustomed to bearing the brunt of decision making within the 
family unit and striking a careful balance between relinquishing (or 
being seen to relinquish) their autonomy to men in many matters, while 
simultaneously assuming much of the responsibility for men’s choices – 
are natural leaders.
Dignity Without Borders recently interviewed one woman about the need to 
include a specific quota in the new constitution for women representatives in the Egyptian Parliament.
 She clearly stated that the quota system was key for guaranteeing 
women’s full participation in parliament and political processes in the 
country.
In commenting on the constitutional committee’s work on this 
provision, she demanded to know, “what does it mean that the quota for 
women in the Egyptian Parliament has now become a ‘reasonable 
percentage?’ What does it mean to say ‘reasonable?’ How can they waste 
our right to that extent? Are we supposed to move forward or regress? 
Why would the Committee of 50 [responsible for amending the 
constitution] accept this humiliation for women? Why? Didn’t we serve 
them? Didn’t we offer our services to Egypt? Aren’t we Shajar al-Durr? 
Aren’t we Safeya Zaghloul? … Why would we go back? Why?”
She went on: “I do not accept [the marginalization of women] and we 
will not give up our right within the constitution, our right in local 
councils, our right to hold leading positions. What does it mean [to 
differentiate between] a woman and a man? We want our complete rights. 
Is the Kuwaiti Parliament better than us? Why should this be? This is 
Egypt. We are the mother of the world. Why should we decline? We will 
not accept any decline of women’s rights and roles. The Committee of 50 
has to take into consideration that we are strong women and we will 
claim our rights. And if we do not [succeed in this struggle] we will 
hand it over to our children. Believe me, we will never be silenced; we 
will never give up our rights… It is the woman who is truly able to 
fight for the family’s rights – not only the rights of the family but 
also the rights of the man because she is the one who has studied the 
man; she is the one who has raised the man. There is no evolution of a 
society without women. Whoever votes for something else is the one who 
does not understand!”**
The rapid growth of the anti-harassment movement is due in large part
 to outstanding Egyptian women like this individual who have initiated 
and led these efforts, alongside like-minded Egyptian men and 
non-Egyptian men and women.
As the founders and volunteers of Dignity Without Borders, we do not 
believe the deterioration of women’s rights in Egypt, highlighted by 
Thomson Reuters, is inevitable or irreversible. Guided by this 
conviction, we are continuing the movement to catalyze change, through 
an advocacy campaign that will stimulate dialogue and discussion by 
posing controversial questions and challenges about sexual harassment to
 different people and groups within Egyptian society.
Dignity Without Borders has already released 
the first in a series of videos asking people to define their understandings of harassment.
 A forthcoming video includes interviews with a group of young primary 
school children, already inculcated with discriminatory gender views and
 accustomed to using obscene or vulgar language to address women, to 
explain why they consider their behavior acceptable.
Our photo campaign 
“Women Can’t Be Silenced” aims to prompt discussion and debate about ways of ensuring women’s voices are heard and fully acknowledged.
Eventually, Dignity Without Borders hopes to engage in broader 
community outreach efforts, by working with local organizations on 
education initiatives. This will take time and, as a new movement, we 
still have much to learn. We recognize that we are at the beginning of a
 long process. Our goal in collaborating with other organizations to 
build a movement for comprehensive change cannot happen overnight.
The Future of the Women’s Empowerment Movement in Egypt
On November 13, the same day the results of the Thomson Reuters 
Foundation’s study were circulated around the globe, Dignity Without 
Borders participated in 
a peaceful demonstration outside
 the Shura Council (the upper house of parliament) calling for the 
rights and demands of women to be integrated into the new constitution.
Through our participation, we were joining and supporting various 
groups that had organized the demonstration, including Shoft Ta7arosh, 
Fouada Watch, and 
the Parliament of Women.
Azza Kamel, President of ACT (Appropriate Communication Techniques 
for Development), one of the event organizers, explained her motivations
 for participating in the action:
“We are here today to demand a quota of women’s representation in the
 Parliament that is no less than 30% … We are here to tell [the members 
of the Commission for amending the constitution] that Egypt is 
considered today to be one of the biggest culprits worldwide in terms of
 violence against women. In whose interests are women being excluded 
from Parliament, the constitution or any position that provides us – 
women – with power?”
A representative of Fouada Watch outlined the situation in even 
starker terms. “Up to this point, there is still no reference in the 
constitution to women’s issues. Not even the article we demanded to be 
integrated into the amendments, on the State’s obligation to respect 
international conventions on human rights or violence against women, has
 been mentioned there.”
Hala Mostafa from Shoft Ta7arosh underlined the determination among 
all participating movements and members involved in this call for 
women’s rights to take whatever peaceful steps were necessary to ensure 
their voices would be heard and their opinions considered and respected:
“The constitution has to include women’s rights as equal to other 
rights … A woman is like a man [in value]. Women carried the revolution 
upon their shoulders; women are responsible for their families; a woman 
shares everything with a man. It is therefore a woman’s right that the 
constitution ensures her rights as equal to those of men … We expected 
that the Committee of 50, which includes the so-called “civil state’s 
symbols,” to work on a constitution suitable for Egypt and Egyptian 
women and men. In the past month and a half, we have communicated our 
demands clearly to them and a hearing was scheduled for us, which we 
attended but there was no response to any of our demands. We are here 
today to object, protest and tell them this is not right. Women’s 
demands should be integrated into the constitution. This protest is our 
first escalatory step and if women’s demands are not integrated into the
 constitution, we will work on a campaign calling for a boycott of the 
referendum or a negative vote. And if the constitution is still passed 
in spite of this, we will work on withdrawing it.”***
Dignity Without Borders does not see the battle for gender equality, 
full participation, and freedom from sexual violence as political 
issues, despite its frequent politicization.
We believe women’s full participation in the social and political 
life of Egypt – through activism, advocacy, education, awareness, and 
debate – is a chance to secure dignity for all Egyptian citizens. Now 
more than ever, seizing this opportunity is crucial.
 To reach Dignity Without Borders, contact them at: dwbegypt@gmail.com; on Twitter @TahrirBG_DWB ; or on Facebook at Dignity Without Borders
*
Lucy Marx is a co-founder of Dignity Without Borders. She has 
been based in the MENA region for four years and during this time has 
embarked on freelance writing projects and worked for Ashoka Arab World 
and Save the Children, as well as with the Tahrir Bodyguard movement. 
She holds a postgraduate diploma in Arabic language and has previously 
worked in France and for development organizations and publications that
 promote freedom of expression in the UK.
**See Dignity Without Borders’ full interview in Arabic with this extraordinary woman.
***Full interviews in Arabic with organizers of the November 13 demonstrations quoted above can be viewed here.